Free China has taken arms against a sea of troubles and won a major victory, although the war is not yet over.
Two and a half years ago - on October 25 of 1971 - the United Nations decided to admit the Chinese Communists. The blow to the Republic of China was a heavy one. Free China was a charter member of the U.N. No member of the international organization even suggested that the ROC had not fulfilled its obligations to the letter. There was no question of failure or wrongdoing on the part of the ROC. The decision was a political one based on the majority's view that the Chinese Communists had established themselves on the mainland for good.
The more than 15 million people of Taiwan rolled with the U.N. punch. They were not, how ever, unaware of the implications and of the sea of troubles which lay ahead. Some once friendly countries were obviously prepared to interpret the U.N. decision as the wave of the future. Those which did not switch recognition from Taipei to Peiping for that reason were subject to compulsion growing out of hope for trade or enhanced security.
Chinese Communists were quick' to see their opportunity and to strive for isolation of the Republic of China. Smiling diplomacy became the vehicle of a worldwide Chinese Communist offensive to build up Peiping's prestige and smash that of the Republic of China. President Nixon visited the Chinese mainland in February of 1972 and agreed with Chou En-lai on a "relaxation of tensions" which was to be culminated in an exchange of liaison offices.
These undertakings of the United States were painful to the Republic of China, even though Washington made clear it had no intention of recognizing Peiping or scrapping the mutual assistance treaty with the Republic of China. Even more damaging were stab wounds inflicted by such old friends as Japan and Australia, both of which chose to rush into the arms of the Chinese Communists with unseemly haste.
The Japanese, especially, had reason to consider long and carefully before hurting the ROC. China was the principal Japanese antagonist in World War II in terms of armed forces involved. Military strategists might argue that the air, sea and island-by-island battles with the United States were more decisive. Yet Japan's biggest dedication of manpower was to the China mainland. China suffered the most from Japanese aggression. The time span of the war for China was eight years and not the less than four years of the Pacific conflict which began December 7, 1941, with the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Japanese bombed, killed, pillaged and raped up and down the seacoasts but not across the great breadth of China. They penetrated the hinterland only to lose battles and the war.
China was one of the most generous victors in history. President Chiang Kai-shek waived reparations and repatriated Japanese prisoners of war. The Soviet Union marched into a North Korea which previously had been ruled by the Japanese. Forces of the United States occupied the Japanese home islands. The Republic of China occupied nothing and received from Japan only those territories which had been seized by military force, including Taiwan.
In the years to follow, Japanese prime ministers freely admitted the generosity of the Republic of China. Leaders of Japan came to the Republic of China to pay their respects to President Chiang and to thank him. If China had imposed hard terms and insisted on a lengthy occupation, Japanese recovery would have been slowed and perhaps materially limited.
The Tanaka government cared nothing for what its predecessors had thought or said. Japan's goal seemed to be recognition of the Chinese Communists at once and at any cost. The decision came in September of 1972, rudely and without apology. In severing relations with Japan, the Republic of China made clear that the step was taken in sorrow, not in anger. Friendship for the Japanese people was reiterated. Neither trade nor travel was interrupted. Qualms of the Japanese were quickly quieted. Within a few months after the break, Japanese were coming to Taiwan in larger numbers than before. The trend has continued.
Australia and free China were not so close as Japan and the ROC. But the relationship included the World War II partnership and a rapidly growing number of social, cultural and economic ties. The Australian change was ordained by domestic politics. Labor defeated the Conservatives at the polls. The new prime minister, Gough Whitlam, had already made a pilgrimage to Peiping. The New Zealand case was similar - an electoral victory for Laborites who had somehow arrived at the conclusion that to run with the communists internationally was an expression of liberalism.
Some African and Latin American countries climbed aboard what they evidently thought of as a bandwagon bound straight for Peiping. The Chinese Communists were prepared to offer a big price for recognition - loans, technical assistance and support of Third World causes. A few countries were deceived. Others concluded that Peiping's star was in the ascendancy and decided to go along. The view of China from South America and Africa is distant and easily distorted. Not all states had a clear conception of the difference between the Republic of China and the Peiping regime.
To maintain that the Republic of China took these reverses with equanimity would be an exaggeration. President Chiang Kai-shek had bade the nation not to be disquieted in time of adversity, but rather to be firm with dignity and self reliant with vigor. There was no smallest evidence of panic. But some people were discouraged. It seemed that a righteous cause lacked for champions. Fifteen million people worked with might and main to repair the dike but could not keep out the seas.
President Chiang is fond of saying that the deepest darkness is to be found just before the dawn. And so it turned out. To fix an exact date for the tide's turning would be impossible. The change came during mid-1973 and was the product of many developments. Regardless of what was happening on the political front, the Republic of China and the island province of Taiwan never faltered economically. Trade continued to grow. Foreign and overseas Chinese investors came in ever larger numbers, giving the lie to Peiping claims that the world no longer viewed Taiwan as a viable entity. Taiwan's people, whose political spirits were troubled, found themselves living better than ever.
Recognitions of the Chinese Communists slowed down and came to a halt. Some African countries preferred the agricultural technical assistance teams of the Republic of China over those of Peiping. The free Chinese had no political fish to fry. They were solely interested in improving African farm productivity. Countries which had recognized the Chinese Communists showed a willingness to enter into special relationships with the ROC for purposes of trade and social and cultural exchange.
In the fall of 1973, the Chinese Communists entered upon a new time of turmoil. The Chinese Communist party's 10th congress was assembled in the hope of bringing unity to the mainland. The result was greater dissension and the accentuation of power struggle. The "people's congress" promised by Chou En-lai for the earliest possible moment could not be convened. Leftists and the power holders of Chou En-lai began sniping at each other. Confucius and Lin Piao became symbolic targets of Chinese Communism's loss of direction. It was possible to talk only of the past and the dead; problems of the present were beyond solution. Big character posters went up once again as a new "cultural revolution" was born.
Doors which had once been opened a crack were closed with a bang. The Chinese Communists were willing to admit a few tourists to Canton and a few VIPs to Peiping. Closed to the outside world were the great hinterlands of China. Shang hai, the base of the leftists, was off limits. David Bruce, the U.S. liaison representative in Peiping, was quietly called home in a time of upheaval and uncertainty. Premier Chiang Ching-kuo summed up the Republic of China's view of the situation in late February when he said:
"As this regime of violence totters to its end, I should like once again to remind the nations of the world that in the more than two decades of Communist rule the people of the Chinese mainland have suffered tragic persecution, ruthless enslavement, deprivation of food and clothing, and extinction of human dignity and freedom. Every true Chinese hates the Communists with all his being. As soon as opportunity arises, all will leap to their feet and join in overthrowing this unprecedentedly cruel regime."
Whether their governments agree or disagree with Premier Chiang, peoples of the free world have begun to look at the Republic of China in a new light - or at least to make reassessments. The mainland under the Communists is being plunged into chaos again. The free Chinese of Taiwan stand as tall as ever, anchored in political and social stability which has not been shaken by the Communists' tactics of isolation.
Although its diplomatic recognition count was down to 37 countries, the Republic of China was maintaining close economic, trade and cultural relations with 128 states. Premier Chiang attributed this to the ROC's "diplomatic reliance on our upright stand, our principles of honesty and good faith, our friendly attitude and our consistent policy."
The Republic of China's chief administrator said the international relationships of the Taipei government will continue to be based on "good intentions, harmony, equality and mutual trust. We have tried hard to win such friendships. We are gratified by the repeated pledges of the U.S. government to keep its commitments and by its sincerity in honoring its treaty obligations. We are also pleased by the support given us by righteous people working in and outside the U.S. government. We shall strive to enlarge this friendship."
Premier Chiang declared that the emphasis of diplomacy would be on the development of "many-faceted ties" and the promotion of "bilateral and multilateral international relationships through political, economic, cultural and technological exchanges." Good faith and mutual respect pro vide the foundation for free Chinese friendships with other peoples and states, he said, and there need be no attached conditions of any kind.
At the same time, the Republic of China made perfectly clear that it did not accept appeasement as a reasonable price for friendship. This was evidenced in relations with Japan. Japanese tourists and investors had returned to Taiwan in large numbers. There was no problem between Japanese and free Chinese people. But the Tanaka government, eager to begin direct air service to the Chinese mainland, asked the Republic of China to pay a price stipulated by Peiping. This Premier Chiang declined to do. He told the Japanese government: "We have upheld the principle of justice and national dignity and have not sought to cash in on a profitable air route. Should the Tanaka administration go it alone and take single minded action which impairs our national dignity, we shall take absolute and necessary action in accord with our established policy. There is no possibility that we shall concede more. Japan shall be held responsible for any consequences."
Free China asked no more than continuation of the status quo for China Airlines in Japan. That meant landing rights, ongoing flights to South Korea and the United States, and the serving of CAL by Chinese ground crews and personnel. The Japanese were told that service to Taipei and beyond could be continued by JAL, a subsidiary or another airline. The Republic of China was not interested in the corporate identity of the airline which Japan sent to Taiwan but in the upholding of justice and equity.
In all the free world, no government except Japan found reason to throw its weight around in relations with the ROC. Friends of free China in Australia opened offices in both Sydney and Taipei. Malaysia had been studying the possibility of diplomatic relations with Peiping for many months. This was adjudged no threat to economic and cultural relations with the Republic of China. Thailand expressed an interest in trade with Peiping .. But its diplomatic relations with the ROC were continuing and trade was growing fast. Ties with South Korea and South Vietnam were as strong as ever. Indonesia said the time was not ripe for resumption of relations with the Chinese Communists and stepped up its quasi-official arrangements with free China.
Throughout the oil embargo, Saudi Arabia classified the Republic of China as a friendly country. Free Chinese embassies are open in both Jordan and Saudi Arabia. Premier Chiang expressed the Republic of China's thanks for favorable treatment. ''The petroleum crisis has heightened our realization of the significance of moral principle in international relationships," he said. "We have learned that honest and sincere cooperation among nations has to be based on the high ideals of equality and mutual help, and that these ideals must be practiced. Only through such conduct can nations enjoy jointly the endowment of nature and bring prosperity to the human community."
Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs H.K. Yang returned from another tour of Africa with the report that some countries regretted their recognition of Peiping. He predicted that some African states would turn their backs on 'the Chinese Communists and express their preference for a Chinese government that is free and has no ulterior motives. Farm demonstration teams were continuing their outstanding work in the African countries which continue to recognize the ROC and in some which do not. The Republic of China does not exact diplomatic recognition as a price for attending semi-annual African agricultural seminars held in Taiwan.
Latin America remained another citadel of free Chinese recognition. Several South American countries welcomed the Republic of China's support in anti-Communist activities. Government and people of the ROC applauded overthrow of the Allende regime in Chile, although the military government did not immediately sever ties with Peiping. The view from Taipei, often expressed by President Chiang, was that those who are not enemies are to be considered friends. The Allende government had been an enemy; its successor was not so adjudged.
Vice President Yen Chia-kan went to South America in March for the inauguration of presidents in Venezuela and Brazil. He participated as the special envoy of President Chiang Kai-shek and had plenipotentiary powers to tighten the bonds of friendship with those countries. He also visited the United States informally. Some of America's top governmental, industrial and business leaders are numbered among his close friends.
The U.S. relationship is at the heart of the Republic of China's international strength and abets its surging confidence. This is much more than a matter of the World War II partnership. In the 19th century, the United States was the only Western country which came to China with out intent to seek special privilege or exploit the Chinese people and their resources. American missionaries established schools and hospitals. The American government set up scholarships with the money received from Boxer Incident indemnities. This closeness of Americans and Chinese does not extend to the Communists. President Nixon's "relaxation of tensions" did not substitute liking and affection for the years of Washington-Peiping hostilities. Americans disliked the Chinese Communists for sound reasons, and the reasons have not changed.
Even at the height of the brief Washington Peiping "era of good feelings," the Republic of China was still very much in the China picture. Not every correspondent was satisfied only with the opportunity to move through the crack in the mainland door. Some came to Taiwan as well, and reported on the contrast between a backward, tyrannized land and a progressive, developing province representing the China of tomorrow. American visitation to Taiwan never stopped. Taiwan is the China to which the American tourist can go; doors of the mainland are still tightly closed except to special friends of Communism or those who might be influenced. The military partnership between the United States and the Republic of China has continued. Responsible commanders of U.S. Army, Navy and Air Force are aware of Taiwan's strategic importance in the defense of free Asia and determined to preserve U:S. access to the Taiwan base and support of the ROC ally.
From the beginning of his moves to placate Peiping, President Nixon stressed that there should be no abandonment of old friends and allies. These obviously included the Republics of China, Korea and Vietnam. Henry Kissinger, the Metternich of the 20th century, echoed the assurance. He said the United States had no intention of changing its recognition policy. Scores of Congressmen rallied to support of the Republic of China. They represented an important part of the vast free Chinese reservoir of goodwill in the United States. Americans have never been favorably disposed toward Communism in general nor to Chinese Communism in particular.
Walter P. McConaughy, a distinguished professional diplomat, came to the Republic of China as American ambassador in 1967. He had previous experience as chief of mission in South Korea, Pakistan and Burma. In Taiwan, he became close friend as well as able envoy. By 1974, Ambassador McConaughy was well beyond the age of retirement. He continued his service at the behest of President Nixon. But seven years in a post is a long time by State Department standard. President Nixon sent to the U.S. Senate the nomination of Ambassador McConaughy's successor. The name was that of Leonard Unger, ambassador to Thailand and before that the chief of mission in Laos.
Choice of Ambassador Unger was another reassurance to the Republic of China from the U.S. government and the American people. In his Southeast Asian postings, Leonard Unger was a firm and dedicated freedom fighter. He helped preserve Laos from Communism. In Thailand, he presided over American forces which numbered close to 50,000 at their height. Much of the bombing of North Vietnam was carried out from U.S. bases in Thailand.
Ambassador Unger also supported the military build-up of Thailand to provide sufficient strength to put down rebellious movements supported by the Chinese Communists.
Ambassador Unger was not being dispatched to Taipei on any mission which would be deleterious to the Republic of China and its aspirations. The feeling among free Chinese was that his message would be one of "Right on! " The Re public of China had proved not only its survival value but had kept alive the hope of mainland liberation.
The United States had demonstrated support and friendship for the Republic of China in other ways. Taiwan ranked 12th among Taiwan trading partners in 1973. Two-way commerce exceeded US$2,600 million compared with US$750 million for the Chinese mainland. The balance favors free China substantially. Government, industry, business and people were moving to buy more American goods and show appreciation for relatively free access to the U.S. market.
Opened at Taipei in March was one of the few American Trade Centers in the Far East. Exhibitions of U.S. goods will be held to promote exports to Taiwan. Importers will be assisted and put in touch with suppliers. But the Trade Center is no "substitute embassy." Its functions are important and extensive but economic. The American Embassy remains very much in business.
So does the Taiwan Defense Command, a skeleton U.S. military organization under a vice admiral of the U.S. Navy but with representatives from the other services. USTDC is enjoined with the task of making plans and tentative preparations for hostilities in the Taiwan Straits and contiguous areas. It would be the implementer of American military assistance to Taiwan in the event of aggression covered by the mutual assistance treaty between the United States and the Republic of China.
Also 'at free China's side militarily is the U.S. Military Assistance Advisory Group under the command of a major general. MAAG no longer has much American military aid to administer. The Republic of China now pays its own way in defense except for some loans and the privilege of purchasing weapons which are obsolete by American standards but useful in the defense of Taiwan. MAAG does not find time hanging heavy on its hands. The Chinese Army, Navy, Air Force and Marines all have MAAG teachers and coaches. Both weaponry and tactics are involved in the mentorship. Joint exercises are held regularly. U.S. warplanes, including Phantoms, fly from Taiwan airfields to defend the island province against any would-be aggressor.
American industry has a US$400 million presence on Taiwan. There has been no slowdown in investment. Nearly every big American maker of television and radio equipment is represented. These companies are also teachers. They bring only top managers and technicians to Taiwan. From rank and file workers up through most top jobs, their personnel come from the Chinese of Taiwan. The technological lessons learned are percolating down into Taiwan industry and improving quality and productivity. American companies are good citizens. They contribute to free Chinese worthy causes, they build model plants, they see to the welfare of their employees and they pay taxes.
The U.S. cultural presence is pervasive. Taiwan has five American schools. One of these, Taipei American School, extends from kindergarten through senior high school. With some 2,500 students, it is one of the biggest American schools outside the United States. American schools have had an impact on Chinese education. Workshops and demonstration programs are held frequently. The drama and music they provide have enriched the Chinese community. Most of the movies and series shown on the three Taiwan television net works come from the United States. English is a compulsory subject in the schools of Taiwan beginning with the seventh grade. Scores of American students come to the island to learn Chinese and engage in research into various aspects of Chinese life, history, philosophy and times.
Unlike the Maoists of the mainland, the free Chinese of Taiwan have no fear of being "Americanized" or "Westernized." Old culture is as strong as ever but in modern guise. Behind the television tube lies the gentle sage Confucius and his insistence on benevolence as the first rule of life. Chineseness has not been destroyed in the Republic of China. There is no need to fear the "old" or to glorify the "new." Both are a part of the free Chinese way of life; both are a part of free Chinese aspiration.
Sino-American contacts and traffic reach both ways. More Taiwan graduate students go to the United States than to any other country. In the last couple of years, many cultural groups have been sent to America: opera troupes, athletic teams, acrobats, businessmen and others. Their efforts have tightened bonds between the two countries and made the relationship more meaningful to thousands of people.
Premier Chiang told the Legislative Yuan: "We believe firmly that, with our patient and positive efforts, we shall never be isolated or beleaguered in the international community. Besides, we have 20 million patriotic overseas Chinese living in all parts of the' world. Their faith and yearning for our country have increased our confidence and our fortitude. We shall be able to enjoy the pro fuse warmth of friendship and keep away wicked ness. We know that we are moving with firm steps along the broad pathway to a new situation and a new horizon."
These words are not hyperbole. The Republic of China has moved through troublesome times and along a tortuous road. Old friends are standing by even in countries where governments have been less than fair and sincere. Friends of the Japanese Diet came to Taiwan to express their disagreement with Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka. Supporters of the Republic of China within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party prevented Prime Minister Tanaka and Foreign Minister Ohira from plunging into an air agreement with the Chinese Communists which would have necessitated a civil aviation break with the Republic of China.
The overseas Chinese mentioned by Premier Chiang were citadels of strength. Hundreds of them have come to Taiwan to invest their capital in factories and services. Overseas Chinese investment has enabled Taiwan to keep up with tourist demand for first-class hotel space. In their countries of residence, the overseas Chinese have been a bulwark against Communism and a first line of defense for the policies and the hopes of the Republic of China. Even in countries where the Chinese Communists gained recognition, overseas Chinese have had no use for their blandishments. Canada and Japan are examples. Assiduous Chinese Communist cultivation has not broken the ranks of overseas Chinese communities loyal to the Republic of China. The Chinese Communists have missions at the United Nations in New York and their liaison office in Washington. Chinese Americans pay them no heed; the China of the ROC is still the motherland.
The Chinese Communists have tried and failed to pull down the curtain of isolation on the Republic of China. The seas ahead will not be smooth for the people and causes of free China but the worst of the storm has been weathered. The course is still set toward a free, prosperous China under the Constitution and White Sun in Blue Sky Over Crimson Ground national nag of the Republic of China.